Ënnert dem Pavé

“Ënnert dem Pavé“, dei lénksradikaler Jugendsendung um Radio ARA.
All Freiden zwëschen 16 an 17 Auer liwweren iech oofwiesselnd Jonk Lénk, OGBL jeunes, d’UNEL oder Richtung 22 een Abléck an hier politesch Aarbecht.

Den Numm vun der Sendung kënnt vun engem Sproch aus der ’68er Beweegung: “sous les pavés, la plage” a wéist, datt duerch Opbroch eng besser Zukunft méiglech ass.


Hei fann der d’Emissiounen vun Jonk Lénk fir nozelauschteren:


    D’politesch Situatioun an Eisterräich (Ënnert dem Pavé vum 2.2.2018)

    Jonk Lénk mellen sech zeréck mat enger Spezialsendung zur Situatioun an Eisterräich. Mir diskutéiere mir iwwert déi aktuell politesch Lag, nodeems elo jo eng riets-rietsextrem Koalitioun um Rudder ass.

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    Ënnert dem Pavé - FLIT* Sendung - Women's March, Pussy Riot, Hwages, Lana Pochiro, Hannah Arendt, Riot Grrrl


    Zum internationalen Fraen*kampfdaag, huet den FLIT* Grupp [1] vun Jonk Lénk eng Sendung ob d'Been gestallt. Dei Ugeschwaaten Themen ginn vum Hwages Videoclip, dem Women's March, iwwert Pussy Riot bis zu enger Carte Blanche um RTL. Een Interview mat enger feministescher Aktivistin aus den USA, dem Lana Pochiro bréngt een Abléck an d'Era Trump. Mär presentéieren ärch den Film "Hannah Arendt" an erklären waat et mat Riot Grrrl op sech huet.


    Majed Alesa - Hwages
    Milck - Quiet
    Beyoncé -  Formation
    Pussy Riot - Make America Great Again
    Lowest Priority - Not Just Boys Fun
    All the Way Down - Thick Smoke

    [1]: F= Fraen, L= Lesben, I= Intersex, T= Transpersounen, *= all aanert Geschlecht/non-binary


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    Interview Lana Pochiro - Women's March


    D’Lana Pochiro studéiert Politikwëssenschaften an Urbanismus an den USA zu Oxford, Ohio an schafft do ob der Uni an engem Women’s Center. Hatt beschäftegt sech mat Reproductive Justice an Amerika an natirlech och mat deenen rezenten Changementer an der amerikanescher Politik.

    Transcript vum Interview:

    Magda: Hello Luxembourg, I’m sitting here with my friend and comrade Lana, and we’re talking today about the political climate since Trump’s election.
    So since the election, everyday we’re confronted with a barrage of news: They’re dismantling the environmental protection agency, they’re coming up with new abortion restrictions, 5 trans people were murdered in a week. There’s a lot. But we’ve also seen some of the largest mass mobilisations in the history of this country: a historic convening of indigenous peoples at the Standing Rock reservation to protect water from the pipeline; the Women’s March, which was one of the largest assemblies in the history of this country on the day after the inauguration. You went to the Women’s March, can you tell us a little bit about that?

    Lana: Yeah, so I ended up going to the Women’s March in Washington, D.C. and I was pretty hesitant about it. I was hesitant because a lot of the conversations about it were criticisms that it represented a lot of what White Feminism represents, and that it was prioritising the concerns of middle class white women and was exclusionary. And so I kept watching it, and then the opportunity came up for me to go and after the election I felt like there was just a lot of pause, a lot of sitting, and I needed an outlet for that. So I ended up going, and it was an incredible experience to see so many people - kids, I love kids, and it was great to see kids there - involved.
    But there were also a lot of really uncomfortable moments. People had signs that were critical of Trump’s relationship with Russia, but then would also say something that was like “This is not a communist country” and be very anti-communist. There were transphobic signs, and people that were there to march were high-fiving police officers. And so, in a lot of ways, because there was a lot of white ciswomen there, it represented, you know, a mainstream white women’s movement. While it was really energizing and heartwarming to see so many people turn out and get serious recognition for women’s work, it also made very aware the work that still needs to be done.

    Magda: So that work that needs to be done - Right now our energy is obviously being pulled in so many directions, not just because of how the onslaught of repression is hitting so many aspects of society here, but also with internal divisions like you just touched on with internal criticisms within the women’s movement. What does solidarity look like when we’re pulled in so many directions? What are some of the practical ways in which people are dealing with this that you’ve seen on the ground with grassroots movements building right now?

    Lana: Yeah, and I think going back to the criticisms that I mentioned in the March is that coalitions are just so important. Cause, as we see, and what has been the history with women’s movements in the United States, is that when we have this type of “universal”, “united” women’s movement so to say, it’s just really representative of the dominant identities within women. So middle-class, white, cis, educated women. And that’s not a women’s movement that I want to get behind. And so I think coalitions are so important. To organise within your own community, organise locally in terms of space, where your at, but also in terms of your social positionality. White women need to go and talk to other white women, and their families, and these people they have easy access to, about the things that are happening. And when you’ve done that, then you need to show up for the people that have been doing this work. A lot of Black women in particular very rightfully said, after the Women’s March, “Where were you when we were having Black Lives Matter protests?” So I think that’s what solidarity should look like: After we saw so many people come out, those people need to stay engaged, they need to be there when women of color and queer women need them and ask them to show up.

    Magda: Now talk more about organising locally. So you work at a Women’s Center at our university. And just for some context to our listeners, we’re in Oxford, Ohio - a state that voted for Trump. We’re in a rural community, in a college town that is a bastion of conservatism, and I recall during the election just driving into town, you would see yards littered with “Trump/Pence” signs.

    Lana: Yeah, two components to this.
    One is that, in the vein of the Women’s March, after the election, so many of these people that were not previously engaged started reaching out to the Women’s Center, starting reaching out to me personally and different organisations, wanting to get involved. But you know, we’ve been organising. With a lot of these issues, there’s been an escalation of the horribleness I guess, but the root of the problem has been here.

    Magda: So it’s not new?

    Lana: It’s not, it’s really not. And so when those people come to me, it’s great to say: “Thank you. Thank you for doing this, for being angry about this. But you know, this person has been working on organising LGBTQ students at Miami, has been organising Muslim students at Miami, for a while; so why don’t you talk to them? Why don’t you ask them what they need?” And with that integrating people into the work that’s been happening.
    There’s another component of organising locally here that I think has been happening, that continues and has been important. You know Miami was hard to be at before the election for a lot of people just because it is so wealthy, so white, so masculinist. So there’s been a lot of informal networks that have dealt with that. Because the institutions in place don’t give resources, don’t give support to so many people here. So we support ourselves!
    Something that you and I have been involved in has been the diy (“do it yourself”) arthouse type environment,...

    Magda: (laughing) ...the diy punk scene...

    Lana: Yeah! (laughs) Which is just so incredible in a lot of ways. One in that it’s the first space I’ve been in that the doors are just always open to, in that you’ll walk into a house and people will be making art and putting it on the walls and they don’t even live there. It’s just this very community oriented space. The environment is controlled by the owners of the house.

    Magda: Often queer feminist, leftist spaces.

    Lana: Leftist, femme - it’s explicit in everything. If there’s anything that's sexist, racist, transphobic, that will not be tolerated and not only will that not be tolerated but it will be dealt with by the community. This is a space where everyone should feel like they’re wholeness is accepted and embraced and loved.

    Magda: And where people are held accountable personally.

    Lana: Yeah, exactly! And when things have come up that’s how they’ve been dealt with and it’s so beautiful and affirming. I’ve seen it happen and I always offer to support people. Like what do you need outside of this space, for example, do you need me to walk you somewhere? You know you’re walking past all of these Trump signs, and it’s terrifying, and then if your former abuser lives in a house that has a Trump sign, what does that mean when that house is on your way to class? So having a support network to just do your everyday life is so important.

    Magda: And these spaces have been such a source of radicalisation for people, right?

    Lana: Absolutely! It certainly was for me and I’e seen it happen with others. Because people are so unapologetic about their traumas and I think there’s a consciousness-raising in the storytelling that happens. People are opening up, sharing their experiences because it feels like a space where they can be vlnerable in that way. I think the lived experience is told a lot more. And then the other side of that is people share academic knowledge as well in a way that just doesn’t happen in the classroom. It’s pretty common to go to these spaces and hear people having conversations or debates about different philosophies of Marxism or anarchism.

    Magda: And that’s quite uncommon in this country in a way, right?

    Lana: Absolutely. There’s so much fear around just those words. You say that in a classroom and the air just gets sucked out of the room. So you can’t really have a discussion about it. Saying that you’re a “liberal” here or a “democrat” is a scary thing for some people, let alone…

    Magda: ...a leftist.

    Lana: Yeah. Which people hardly know the difference in that too. So it make those resources a lot more accessible. And that’s been huge for radicalising people and integrating them into the movement.

    Magda: Were you surprised at Trump’s election?

    Lana: Initially yeah, I was, because I think the whole country was. I mean the last time I smoked a cigarette was after the election, and I smoked three. And there was just this atmosphere of despair, but as a cis white woman in this country, I really thought it was important for me to sit with that, like

    “Why am I shocked when my country has such a long history of this white supremacy that’s been happening and continues to happen?”

    It’s more visible now, but it’s been here. So it’s not shocking, and I don’t think that it should have been shocking. And something that a faculty member said, you know, people were going to die no matter who was elected. Maybe the difference here isn’t the lives lost, but where they’re lost. That we would see maybe Americans come more under attack. And it just so happens that the president that was elected, those people that are going to die are going to be in greater numbers. So maybe that’s the difference, and it took a lot for me to recognise my privilege as being an American citizen in that way. I will not be targeted by a US drone strike probably, but other people have been - under presidents that we like to make memes about and adore. So this wasn’t a radical departure from what we’ve been doing as a country. It just has a different rhetoric around it, that maybe is more obvious.

    Magda: Any last thoughts?

    Lana: (chuckling) Yeah, I want to end on something a little more hopeful! I think that the movement has a lot of energy right now, and that the mainstream might be recognising the fault in a lot of the institutions that we’ve held so dear as a country for a while - such as our electoral system, the legal system, these neoliberal institutions that people think will protect them. And so I think that in the holes that are emerging, leftist movements have a huge opportunity to seize upon that, to fill those cracks. I think that that’s really, really inspiring and there’s a lot of potential. I’m not giving up.

    Magda: Well thanks so much for your time!

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    Ënnert dem Pavé - ENF zu Koblenz, Merci Patron, Black Bloc


    Ob der Demonstratioun géint d’ENF Konferenz zu Koblenz waren och e puer Aktivist*inne vu Jonk Lénk präsent, an dëser Sendung ziele mer ärch wei dat sech aus eisen Aen aus ofgespillt huet. Ausserdeem hunn mer nees ee Film Review “Merci Patron” vum François Ruffin. An der Begrëffserklärungsrubrik Iwwert der Plage schwätze mer iwwert eng Demotaktik, de schwaarze Block.


    Cutter & Le Druide (Sang Mêlé) – Ni Oubli, Ni Pardon
    Sookee – Q1
    Les Charlots – Merci patron
    Brujeria – Viva Presidente Trump
    Solange – Weary
    Grimes – World Princess Part II
    The Internet – Girl
    Lianne La Havas – Unstoppable
    Lou Reed – Take a Walk on the Wild Side

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    Ënnert dem Pavé - Joëresréckbléck, Che, Sozialismus


    An dëser Sendung maachen Jonk Lénk en kuerzen Joeresréckbléck iwwer déi verschidden Aktiounen vun 2016. Dorënner och eis Adventsaktioun zu den "Big 4".
    Donierwt, gëtt et och en Film review iwwer dem Soderbergh säin Biopic "Che, Revolucion". Wéi all Sendung hunn mer dann eng Begrëffserklärung an eiser Rubrik "Iwwert der Plage", des Kéier erklären mer wat mir mengen wann mir eis als sozialistesch Jugendorganisatioun bezeechnen.


    Sookee - Vorläufiger Abschiedsbrief
    Donovan Wolfington - Ollie North
    My Fictions - Mt. Misery
    Buena Vista Social Club - Hasta Siempre
    Jedi Mind Tricks - Uncommon Valor: A Vietnam Story
    Blink 182 - Cynical
    Caravels - Meatwave
    Oasis - Wonderwall


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    Ënnert dem Pavé - Madame on Tour, Rifkin, Big4


    An eiser Dezember Episode vun Ënnert dem Pavé, hunn mer iwwert eis Aktioun #KappVollerIddien zu der Campagne "Madame on Tour" geschwaat, kuerz iwwert den Rifikin Rapport geschwaat an an eiser Begrëffserklärungsrubrik "Iwwert der Plage" hunn mer eis mat den Big4 an méi genau mat Ernst & Young beschäftegt.

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    Opgepasst: Dësen Text ass den 3.11.2016 geschriwwen an opgeholl ginn, d'Evenementer vun der Nuecht duerno konnten also nach net berécksiichtegt ginn.

    Historesch Aleedung zur kurdescher Bewegung
    PKK, YPG (sprich: Yepegeh), Peshmerga - Begrëffer déi iwwert déi lescht Méint ëmmer rem an de Medien opdauchen. Op, wéi aktuell, d’“Peshmerga“ am Zesummenhang mam Stuerm op Mossul, d’„YPG“ bei der Verdeedegung vun der syresch-türkescher Grenzstad Kobane géint den Islamesche Staat oder d’“PKK“ am Zesummenhang mat bewaffenten Ausernanersetzungen an der Türkei - allen dräi Begrëffer hunn eppes gemeinsam: si sinn Nimm vu kurdeschen, bewaffenten Organisatiounen. Während d’PKK um türkeschen Territoire aktiv ass, kämpfen d’YPG op syreschem Territoire, d’Peshmerga dogéint am Irak. Woubäi, eigentlech kämpfen se allen dräi a Kurdistan. Dat mécht iech elo duercherneen?
    Kee Wonner. Och a ville westleche Mainstream-Medien gëtt oft muenches duerchernee gehäit.

    Dofir mol ganz vu vir: Wat oder wien ass Kurdistan? Kurdistan ass kurdesch an heescht „Land vun de Kurden“. Dat bréngt iech och net weider? Dann awer vläicht dëst: als Kurdistan gëtt e Siedlungsgebitt bezeechent, dat tëschent der Tierkei, Syrien, dem Irak an dem Iran opgedeelt ass. An dësem Gebitt liewen op alle Säite vun de Grenzen Mënschen, déi kurdesch schwätzen an sech zum groussen Deel als ee „Vollek“ verstinn - als Kurden eben.

    De Begrëff Kurdistan daucht fir d’éischt am 10. Joerhonnert op, Unzeechen fir eng administrativ Eenheet „Kurdistan“ ginn et ab dem 11. Joerhonnert. Quasi vun Ufank un awer war den Territoire, vun dem rieds ass, Deel vun anere Länner. Am 17. Joerhonnert zum Beispill gouf Kurdistan tëscht dem osmanesche Räich a Persien opgedeelt. An obwuel 1920, nom Fall vum osmanesche Räich, de Kurden e „Recht op Selbstbëstemmung“ agestane gouf, gouf dat kurdescht Gebitt op verschidde Staaten opgedeelt. De Rescht huet sech d’Tierkei ënnert dem Mustafa Kemal Atatürk averleift. Säit dem huet sech un der Situatioun vun de Kurd*innen net vill geännert, och wann et ëmmer rëm Versich goufen, eng onofhängeg kurdesch Entitéit ze grënnen. Sou zum Beispill d'Republik Mahabad, déi 1943 ausgeruff gouf, mee scho manner wie e Joer méi spéit rëm néiergeschloe gouf. Hautdesdaags gëtt et zwou kurdesch Entitéiten, an denen d’Kurd*innen méi oder manner selwer iwwert hiert Schicksal bestëmme kennen. Eng dovun ass D’“Autonom Regioun Kurdistan“ am Irak. Déi aner ass Rojava, op syreschem Territoire - mee dozou spéider méi. Wichteg ass op alle Fall ze wëssen, dass et haut bis zu 30 Milliounen kurdeschsproocheg Mënschen op der Welt ginn - domat sinn si dat gréissten „Vollek“ ouni Staat vun der Welt.

    Erneierung vun der Bewegung (Demokratesche Konföderalismus/Öcallan)
    Berxwedan Jiyan E (sprich Berschwedan Jian Eh) ass kurdesch an heescht souvill wéi „Widderstand heescht Liewen“. D’Geschicht vun der kurdescher Minoritéit ass enk mam Widderstand géint d’Besatzungsmuechten an dem Kampf fir Selwerbestëmmung verflecht. 1978 gouf am tierkeschen Deel vu Kurdistan d’PKK gegrënnt - d’Aarbechterpartei vu Kurdistan. An zwar vum Abdullah Öcallan, deen och haut nach onbestriddene Leader vun der kurdescher Bewegung ass, an 28 anere lénke Studenten. D’PKK war vun Ufank un eigentlech eng klassesch marxistesch-leninistesch national Befreiungsbeweegung. Et ass hir awer nieft dem Kampf fir e kurdesche Staat och em d’Zerstéierung vun de feudale Klanstrukturen gaange, déi déi kurdesch Gesellschaft deelweis bis haut duerchzéien. Scho kuerz no hirer Grënnung koum et awer an der Tierkei zu engem Militärputsch, an d’PKK-Leit hunn sech missten an den Ënnergrond zréckzéien.

    Richteg lassgaange mam bewaffente Kampf ass et dunn awer eréischt 1990 beim éischte „Serhildan“ - wat ee mat „Volléksopstand“ kéint iwwersetzen. Opgrond vu massiver Ënnerdréckung vis-a-vis vun allem, wat iergendwéi kurdesch oder kurdeschsproocheg war, hunn sech vill Leit, virun allem Jonker, der PKK ugeschloss. Ënnert dem Ruff „Berxwedan Jiyan E“ hunn se sech massiv géint déi türkesch Arméi a Polizei rebelléiert. Säit dem herrscht an de kurdesche Gebitter an der Tierkei e mol méi, mol manner heftege Biergerkrich.

    D’PKK huet bis haut vill Ënnerstëtzer am Kurdistan an hire militäreschen Aaarm, d’HPG (sprich: Hepegeh) zielt eng ronn 10.000 KämpferInnen. Hire Leader, den Abdullah Öcallan, vun de Kurd*innen oft „Apo“ genannt, setzt säit 1998 an engem türkesche Prisong. En ursprénglecht Doudesuerteel géint hien gouf an eng liewenslaang Prisongstrof ëmgewandelt, déi hien op enger Gefängnisinsel ofsetze muss. An dem Prisong sëtzt iwwregens ausser him keen anere Prisonéier. Am Prisong huet den Öcallan, a mat him d’PKK, e wäitgräifende Wandel duerchgemaach. Inspiréiert vum kanadeschen Anarchist Murray Bookchin huet den Öcallan d’Theorie vum „demokratesche Konföderalismus“ elaboréiert. Der PKK geet et haut net méi onbedéngt em en onofhängege Staat, mee éischter em Selbstverwaltung, Demokratie, mee och em Feminismus an Ökologie. Déi nei Ideologie vun der PKK ass mat där vun den Zapatisten a Mexico ze vergläichen - et geet net drëm, d’Muecht am Staat un sech ze räissen, mee vun ënnen aner, horizontal Forme vu Verwaltung ze experimentéieren a sou Géigemuecht opzebauen.

    Rojava, Situatioun an Ausbléck
    Syrien war fir d’PKK-Kämpfer ëmmer eng Aart Réckzuchsgebitt, wou se sech konnten zréckzéien, wann d’Attacke vum türkesche Militär ze hefteg goufen. Et gouf eng Zort Ofkommes mam Regime vum Bashar Al Assad: heen huet si mat Rou gelooss, soulaang sie keng Attacken op syreschem Buedem gestart hunn. Wéi et dunn awer am Zuch vun de „printemps arabes“ och a Syrien zu Opstänn a schlussendlech zum Biergerkrich koum, huet de syreschen Aarm vun der PKK, d’ PYD mat hirem bewaffenten Aarm, den YPG seng Chance gesinn. An de kurdesche Gebitter vu Syrien gouf eng autonom Federatioun ugestrieft a schlussendlech dëst Joer offiziell ausgeruff. D’PYD huet en Netz vu selbstverwaltete Gemengen opgebaut, deen ënnert dem Numm Rojava zu engem eegestännegen Territoire zesummegewuess ass. Rojava ass fir d’kurdesch Bewegung dat, wat Chiapas fir d’Zapatisten ass: Experimentéierfeld a Keimzelle vun der Revolutioun.

    Aus dem syresche Biergerkrich huet sech d’PYD eigentlech erausgehalen, bis de sougenannten Islamesche Staat, mat deelweis Ënnerstëtzung duerch d’Tierkei - där d’Iddi vun enger autonomer kurdescher Regioun direkt un hirer Grenz guer net passt - d’Gebitt ugegraff huet. Bekannt ginn ass Rojava duerch de méintelaange Kampf em d’Stad Kobane, déi d’YPG schlussendlech dovugedroen hunn. Woubäi een eigentlech net nëmme vun der YPG schwätze kann: e groussen Deel vum Kampf vun d’YPJ (Yepejih), d’Fraenuniteiten vun der YPG gedroen. Am Géigesaz zu de meeschten Acteuren an der Regioun ass d’kurdesch Bewegung der Meenung, dass d’Grondviraussetzung fir d’Befreiung vu Kurdistan, mee och vun der Mënschheet am Allgemengen, d’Befreiung vun der Fra ass. Déi kurdesch Kämpferinne spille bis haut eng wichteg Roll beim Kampf géint den IS - a gi vun den IS-Kämpfer gefaart wéi d’Pescht.

    Ufanks konnten d’YPG an d’YPJ, déi duerch hir enk Verbindungen mat der PKK an där hire joerzéngtelaange Guerilla-Kampf géint den türkesche Staat kampferprobt waren, op d’Ënnerstëtzung vun den USA zielen. Haut huet sech d’Blat e wéineg gewend: d’Tierkei attackéiert ëmmer erëm déi kurdesch KämpferInnen un hirer Grenz an ënnerstetzt deelweis och islamistesch Bewegungen, déi géint d’YPG kämpfen. D’USA, an allgemeng déi westlech Koalitioun géint den IS, toleréieren dat, well d’Tierkei Deel vun der NATO ass. E kurdescht Spréchwuert seet: „D’Kurden hunn nëmmen d’Bierger als Frënn“. Bis haut huet dat sech ëmmer erëm bestätegt...mat dem Ënnerscheed, dass haut a Rojava e puer Honnert Volontairen aus aller Welt - och aus Däitschland, Frankräich an der Belge - géint den IS a fir d’Revolutioun a Rojava kämpfen.

    Photo: cc-by Kurdishstruggle

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    Interview rietser Szen zu Lëtzebuerg (Ënnert dem Pavé 07.10.16)

    Interview mam Maxime Weber zu der Situatioun vun der rietspopulistescher an rietsextremer Szen zu Lëtzebuerg.


    3-Deelegen Artikel op dem Maxime Weber sengem Blog:

    1. ADR
    2. Peters, SDV, Patrioten, Nee2015
    3. Facebook Gruppen, News-Säiten
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    Ënnert dem Pavé - Rietsextremismus zu Lëtzebuerg, Book Review SxE, Repressioun - 07.10.16

    Dës Woch bei Ënnert dem Pavé hunn mer een Interview mam Maxime Weber gefouert, deen ob sengem Blog eng nei Aschätzung vun der rietser Szen zu Lëtzebuerg ginn huet. Außerdem schwätzen mer am Studio iwert déi rietsextrem Szen zu Wien an waat den Ënnerscheed zu Lëtzebuerg ass. An der Bëgreffserklärungsrubrik Iwwert der Plage beschäftegen mer eis mat staatlecher Repressioun am politeschen Kontext. Fir d'éichten Kéier hunn mer och een Book Review dobai, an zwar Sober Living for the Revolution vum Daniel Kuhn.

    GLOSS - Trans Day of Revenge
    Kflay - FML
    xIronx - Drugfree Resistance
    Lowest Priority - Not Just Boys Fun
    Kali Uchis - Know What I Want
    Touché Amoré - Flowers and You
    Panhandler - There goes the Neighbourhood

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    Hostile Architecture: Wéi ginn Leit aus dem ëffentlechen Raum verdriwwen? (Ënnert dem Pavé 02.09.16)

    Duerch d'Neoliberaliseierung vum ëffentlechen Raum gëtt et ëmmer mei Bestriewungen gewëssen Persounen oder Gruppen déi an eiser Gesellschaft net esou erwënscht sinn, vun Platzen eweg ze haalen.

    Mir kucken eis um Beispill vun de Skater*innen un, wéi hostile architecture ausgesinn kann an wat fir Mechanismen et soss nach sou gëtt, fir Leit vum ëffentlechen Raum ewech ze haalen.

    D'mp3 downloaden!

    (Foto: original CC BY-SA 3.0 by MMFE)

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